Questioning U.S. - Israeli ties
By G. Jefferson Price III
Originally published April 18, 2006 - The Baltimore Sun
There's never really a comfortable time to speak or write critically
of the extraordinary relationship between Israel and the United
States.
The topic arouses passionate reaction. The suggestion that to
criticize the relationship implies ill feeling toward Israel and, at
its worst, anti-Semitism is almost inevitable. At the same time,
criticism provokes the accusation that it means support for the
Palestinians against Israel, meaning support for acts of terrorism
inflicted on Israeli civilians, such as the suicide bomber attack
that killed more than half a dozen people and wounded scores of
others in Tel Aviv yesterday.
So one always approaches the subject with some trepidation. I have a
lot of experience with this as a columnist and former foreign editor
and Middle East correspondent for The Sun. One has to be very
careful not to make mistakes when writing about Israel.
This need for caution came to mind in reviewing an article published
recently by two of this country's most prominent academicians, John
Mearsheimer, a professor of political science at the University of
Chicago, and Stephen Walt, a professor of international affairs at
Harvard.
The article, which was published March 23 by the London Review of
Books and appears in unedited form on the Web site of Harvard's
Kennedy School for Government, is deeply critical of the U.S.-Israel
relationship. It blames the relationship and all of its consequences
on the huge domestic political influence of the pro-Israel lobby in
Washington, led by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)
and its partners among America's Christian right and the
neoconservative elite.
In the beginning of the article, the two academics succinctly lay
out the extraordinary dimensions of the relationship:
"Since the October War in 1973, Washington has provided Israel with
a level of support dwarfing that given to any other state. It has
been the largest annual recipient of direct economic and military
assistance since 1976, and is the largest recipient in total since
World War II, to the tune of well over $140 billion (in 2004
dollars). Israel receives about $3 billion in direct assistance each
year, roughly one-fifth of the foreign aid budget, and worth about
$500 a year for every Israeli ... especially striking since Israel
is now a wealthy industrial state with a per capita income roughly
equal to that of South Korea or Spain.
"Other recipients get their money in quarterly installments, but
Israel receives its entire appropriation at the beginning of each
fiscal year and can thus earn interest on it. Most recipients of aid
given for military purposes are required to spend all of it in the
U.S., but Israel is allowed to use roughly 25 percent of its
allocation to subsidize its own defense industry. [Israel] is the
only recipient that does not have to account for how the aid is
spent, which makes it virtually impossible to prevent the money from
being used for purposes the U.S. opposes, such as building
settlements on the West Bank. ... Finally, the U.S. gives Israel
access to intelligence it denies to its NATO allies and has turned a
blind eye to Israel's acquisition of nuclear weapons."
Most people who pay attention to the U.S.-Israel relationship know
this, though it's not much discussed. And if Mr. Mearsheimer and Mr.
Walt had devoted themselves to that part of the truth and its
consequences, with full support and documentation, it would have
been a very worthwhile study.
But they went too far in many ways, the most important of these
being the blame they lay on "the Lobby" for taking America to war
against Iraq and for today's frightening relationships between the
U.S. and Syria and the U.S. and Iran.
A large section of the article is devoted to the Iraq-Iran-Syria
proposition. The flaw lies in what I see as the absurdity of the
notion that it took the Israel lobby to persuade President Bush to
invade Iraq or to take on Iran and Syria the way he is doing now.
Certainly, Israel is a beneficiary of this posture and would
encourage it. Certainly, the advocates of war against Iraq included
some of this country's leading pro-Israel hawks. But they didn't
need any pushing from Israel on this issue.
The article has generated a torrent of reaction. The attacks against
the professors focus on this flaw and others in the article, instead
of the undeniable imbalance of America's historic financial and
diplomatic support for Israel. Too bad, really, for, as the
professors assert, it is a point very much worth discussing.
G. Jefferson Price III is a former foreign correspondent and an
editor at The Sun.
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More National
Guard troops going to border
By Katie McDevitt, Tribune
March 8, 2006
The recent string of Mesa drop
house raids might suggest that police are on the hunt for illegal
immigrants. They’re not. Law enforcement officials said Wednesday
they’re investigating another crime often tied to illegal
immigration: Money laundering.
A three-week investigation by the Arizona Financial Crimes Task
Force has led to the apprehension of more than 150 illegal immigrants
in Mesa since Friday, along with a handful of human smugglers. And
investigators said they will raid more drop houses in Phoenix and
the West Valley in the coming weeks.
But
that wasn’t the original goal of the task force, said Phoenix
police Sgt. Clark Simmons. The task force was simply doing surveillance
on some suspected money launderers in Mesa when they “bumped
into” stashes of illegal immigrants traveling with human smugglers,
known as “coyotes.”
“It’s not that we’re targeting
undocumented aliens or drop houses,” Arizona Department of
Public Safety spokesman Frank Valenzuela said. “But we aren’t
turning a blind eye to it, either.”
Historically, money laundering investigations
have led police to narcotics and fraud schemes. But lately, the
crime is leading police to coyotes and the people they smuggle,
Simmons said.
DPS Sgt. Ernie Renfro said an illegal immigrant
typically pays a smuggler $1,500 to $1,800 to be taken into the
United States.
When dozens of immigrants come to the United
States together, the coyotes end up with large amounts of cash that
they cannot deposit or spend without drawing suspicion from financial
regulators. So they must launder the money.
Authorities declined to say what techniques
the smugglers use, but a Tribune investigation last year revealed
that many coyotes move cash around through Western Union money transfer
stores. This process helps obscure the link between the cash and
illegal immigration.
“If we find out someone is laundering
money, and we find out they are smuggling aliens, then we do the
best we can to get leads of where the stash house is,” Renfro
said. “Because these people are left there without food and
water.”
After the illegal immigrants are discovered,
local authorities call U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement
to transport the people, Simpson said. But federal authorities don’t
always show up.
Simpson said about 60 percent of the time,
ICE retrieves the immigrants. But the rest of the time police must
let them walk away.
“I don’t know what to say except
that historically we have to prioritize calls in the order of importance,”
ICE spokesman Russell Ahr said. “There are occasions where
there are actually lives in danger, so we have to go with that first.”
On Friday in west Mesa, the task force arrested
five suspected human smugglers and handed over 61 undocumented immigrants
to federal agents. The following night, investigators arrested four
suspected human smugglers and found 13 illegal immigrants in an
east Mesa hotel. Monday night’s surveillance led police to
discover 81 undocumented immigrants crammed inside two condominiums.
“The more the money is interrupted
through investigations,” Simmons said, then “the more
people we’re getting in houses because (the smugglers) don’t
have the money to ship them off anywhere.”
Task force officials would not comment on
items confiscated during the raids — such as cash and weapons
— because of pending investigations. The task force includes
investigators from the Phoenix Police Department, DPS and the Arizona
Attorney General’s Office. |